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Licio Gelli and the Referendum: Why the Venerable One's Ghost Keeps Dividing Italy

Politics ✍️ Marco De Luca 🕒 2026-03-03 19:33 🔥 Views: 2
Licio Gelli

Anyone who frequents the corridors of power in Rome knows this well: there are ghosts that never leave. And among these, the most cumbersome, the most elegant, the most elusive, always remains him: Licio Gelli. The Venerable Master of the P2 Lodge isn't just a chapter of national history closed within the pages of textbooks. Today, in March 2026, just days away from the referendum on justice, his name has once again become a wild card in the public debate. And not for posthumous celebrations, but for an uncomfortable truth: the Democratic Revival Plan, that document which dreamed of rewriting the rules of the State, seems to have become, for many, a prophecy.

The Son, the Minister, and the "Copyright" of History

It all started again with an interview that made the rounds of the talk shows. Maurizio Gelli, Licio's son, with a calmness that sent a chill down many spines, explained that his father would have looked with extreme favour upon the current reform of the judiciary. "My father was forward-thinking," he declared, sparking the ire of the No camp. Marco Travaglio, in his presentations, was scathing: this is a reform that has the Venerable One himself as its "noble father." And Giuseppe Conte, now accustomed to wielding the populist stamp, doubled down by talking about Licio Gelli's "copyright" over the entire referendum framework.

But the issue is more subtle than a simple invocation. Because on the other side, Minister Carlo Nordio, with that phlegm of a Venetian inquisitor, had already retorted sharply: if an idea is right, it doesn't matter who thought of it first. "I don't see why we shouldn't follow a correct opinion just because he said it," he repeated on several occasions, causing an uproar. And here's the rub. Because while it's true that the separation of careers was indeed a point in the Plan, anyone who has read that document knows it was embedded in a very different context: the public prosecutor was supposed to fall under the executive, and the CSM (High Council of the Judiciary) was to answer to Parliament. A not-insignificant difference, which, however, is systematically swept away in the vortex of political polemic.

The Toxic Legacy of an Anniversary

We live in a strange period where anniversaries overlap. In recent weeks, there has been much talk of Anniversaries: The Italy of Licio Gelli, almost as if trying to come to terms with a country that no longer exists. But the truth is that Gelli's Italy, that of covert plots, rogue intelligence services, and fixers, never really disappeared. It just evolved. Today, while the centre-left rends its garments, evoking the spectre of the P2 to block the vote, there are those, like the frontman for the League in Castelfiorentino, who invite us to stick to the merits, avoiding "ideological positions."

Yet, the Venerable One's shadow is so long that even Nino Di Matteo, at a rally, had to admit the game is dirty: "The mafiosi will vote Yes," he said, causing an uproar, but adding that they will do so because they feel legitimized by those who want to put a leash on magistrates. Strong words, which led the Quirinale (the Presidency of the Republic) to invite everyone to lower the tone. But by now, the damage is done. The referendum is no longer just about justice: it's a referendum on who has the right to tell the story of this country.

The Business Behind the Myth

And here we come to the point that interests us analysts the most. Outside the courtrooms and the talk shows, there's a buzzing market. Sales of essays analysing the phenomenon, like those in the series Myths in Poetry - Licio Gelli - Laterza Giuseppe Edizioni, are literally exploding. Gelli's figure, now widely accepted as the archetype of "shadow power," sells. It sells books, sells investigations, sells clicks. And it also sells a certain idea of justice-oriented rebellion which, paradoxically, fuels both sides.

For those investing in political communication, the lesson is clear:

  • Symbolic narrative beats technicalities: Evoking Gelli or the P2 triggers an immediate emotional response that no data on trial speed can ever match.
  • Polarization is an annuity: The harsher the clash, the more advertising space and newspaper subscriptions are sold. The "Gelli case" is the perfect mudslinging machine, but it's also the perfect cash machine.
  • Short memory is a resource: Few remember the details of the Democratic Revival Plan, but everyone remembers the word "P2." That's enough to sway votes and create factions.

Looking beyond next voting Sunday, I expect that, regardless of the outcome, this round of referendums will mark a turning point. For the first time in decades, the ghost of Licio Gelli has been evoked not as an archaeological artefact, but as an active protagonist in the political debate. Whether Yes or No wins, the right or the left, one thing is certain: the Venerable One, from his exile in South America first and from the grave later, has won his most important battle: still being, years later, the tipping point of Italian public debate. And in a country that never comes to terms with its past, that, heaven forbid, is hardly news.